Emin Huseynov: “Azerbaijan is Rich, But Not Free”

In a recent interview with SkyTG24, Emin Huseynov, Director of the Institute for Human Rights and an exiled Azerbaijani human rights defender, offered a candid and sobering assessment of the Washington-brokered agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia. While hailed by some as a breakthrough towards peace in the South Caucasus, Huseynov warns that the deal does little to address the deep-rooted human rights crisis inside Azerbaijan.

The agreement — mediated by the United States and signed in Washington D.C. — establishes a strategic transit corridor linking Azerbaijan to its exclave Nakhchivan and onward to Turkey, bypassing both Iran and Russia. It is being celebrated as a historic step in ending decades of hostility between Baku and Yerevan. But for Huseynov, it is far from a true peace deal.

“Azerbaijan is rich thanks to its resources, but it is not a free country. At least 30 journalists are in prison and dozens of political prisoners remain forgotten.”

Huseynov, now living in Switzerland after facing persecution for his criticism of the Azerbaijani government, stressed that the text of the agreement contains no provisions on democracy, political freedoms, or the release of prisoners of conscience. Instead, the focus is purely economic — opening infrastructure, energy cooperation, and trade.

He notes that the deal bolsters President Ilham Aliyev’s international legitimacy, especially at a time when Europe is seeking alternatives to Russian gas and Azerbaijan has positioned itself as a key supplier. Yet, this external recognition comes while “the regime at home remains intact.”

Huseynov acknowledges that the presence of Western companies and increased engagement could, in theory, create opportunities for pressure on Baku to improve transparency and accountability. However, he remains cautious:

“Without economic relations, we activists have no channel to engage with political decision-makers. This agreement may give us some room to push for human rights — but it is still a façade victory for those presenting it as peace.”

The interview also touches on geopolitical shifts. Armenia’s move away from reliance on Russia, the strategic implications of the so-called “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity”, and the muted reaction from Iran all highlight how the corridor’s impact will extend far beyond the Caucasus.

Still, Huseynov’s central message is clear: peace without rights is no peace at all. As long as dissent is silenced, journalists are jailed, and elections lack legitimacy, Azerbaijan’s internal reality will remain at odds with its image on the international stage.

Huseynov, a critic of Baku's authoritarian regime, expressed skepticism about the agreement, describing it as "a declaration of intent, a memorandum more than a true peace agreement". While admitting it serves as "a good starting point," he views it primarily as a formality that allows all parties to appear dialoguing. This document, though not yet fully published, aims to resolve a territorial dispute inherited from the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a conflict spanning almost 40 years that involved two wars and culminated in the 2023 Azerbaijani military attack on the separatist Nagorno-Karabakh region, which led to the forced displacement of over 100,000 ethnic Armenians.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev is described by Huseynov as "a very pragmatic man" who adeptly leverages geopolitical opportunities. With Russia isolated and Europe facing an energy crisis, Aliyev has repositioned Azerbaijan as an indispensable partner. This agreement grants him "legitimacy on the international stage, while at home the regime remains intact". Huseynov believes this peace could be durable due to the high risk of Western economic retaliation if it were to break.

Despite being a major natural gas exporter to Europe and Italy's second-largest supplier after Algeria, Azerbaijan has faced numerous European Parliament resolutions condemning its repression and human rights violations, albeit without substantial sanctions. The US agreements, notably, include the revocation of the ban on direct aid to Baku, which had been in effect under Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act (1992). This signifies fewer obstacles to relations between Azerbaijan and the West, in exchange for a gradual distancing from Moscow.

However, Huseynov warns that "Baku plays a double game," declaring less need for Russia without fully breaking ties with Vladimir Putin and without addressing its internal situation. The agreements signed in Washington are purely economic, lacking any mention of human rights or the condition of Azerbaijani citizens. Huseynov highlights that Azerbaijan, though rich in resources, "is not a free country," citing "at least 30 journalists in prison and dozens of political prisoners". He hopes, however, that these economic ties might open new avenues for dialogue for activists to advance their human rights struggle.

For Armenia, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's motivation is clear: "Russia did not intervene during the last military crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh". Consequently, Yerevan feels betrayed and has a strong interest in seeking protection from Europe and the United States.

The Strategic "TRIPP" Corridor

A key component of the US-mediated agreement is the creation of a 40-kilometre corridor through Armenian territory. This corridor will connect Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan and then to Turkey, crucially bypassing Iran and Russia. It is envisioned to host various infrastructures for both energy and technological development. Huseynov refers to this as the "TRIPP" – the "Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity". He views it as a double-edged sword: while it strengthens Aliyev's economic power, the presence of Western companies could theoretically create pressure for greater transparency and accountability.

Donald Trump appears to be the primary beneficiary, having chosen "one of the easiest conflicts to resolve on paper to claim a cost-free victory". This provides a tangible result after months of attempts in more complex scenarios like Ukraine and Gaza. Huseynov notes that Trump has previously used similar strategies, "resolving" tensions in other regions without truly resolving them, suggesting a strong desire for a Nobel Prize.

Another regional actor observing the situation with suspicion is Iran, which shares borders with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Tehran has already condemned any "external interference" in Transcaucasian affairs. Huseynov explains that the new corridor will allow energy transport to bypass Iran, naturally concerning the Islamic Republic. Furthermore, building technological infrastructure in the area implies potential US control over Iranian airspace. Currently, Iran's capacity to react concretely is limited, with short-term retaliation likely confined to provocations and warnings in the Caspian Sea.

In summary, while hailed as a historical step, the Azerbaijan-Armenia agreement is viewed with nuance by human rights activists. It represents a pragmatic geopolitical realignment, particularly beneficial for Azerbaijan and the US, but leaves significant human rights concerns unaddressed, pointing to a complex path forward for the region.